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Thursday, September 30, 2004
The Pre-Debate Debate
Josh Marshall at Talking Points Memo comments on the Post-Debate Debate. So does Paul Krugman at the New York Times. Fafblog has a post-debate interview up.

Meanwhile, the only blog I can find that mentions the debates themselves is Rachel Lucas:
George Bush is going to make John Kerry look like a pure-D, grade-A, first-class jackass. And I am so positively full of delight and anticipation that I can hardly bear my own self right now.
Hat tip to Quilly for introducing me to Rachel, who's smart, sassy and funny as hell.

Of course, the lack of interest is entirely justified. The debates themselves are a scripted as the conventions (remember that 30-page list of rules?) and their effects will be just as minor. I see two senarios.

The first is the most likely. Bush and Kerry spend an hour and a half trading bumper-sticker slogans and no one actually says anything of importance. Kerry comes off as more concerned with details, more nuanced, verbose, and generally a smarty-pants. Then the cable news shows proceed to make those look like bad things. Bush takes longer to lose his convention bounce, could swing one or two states.

And, of course, if those are the right one or two states, he takes the election.

The second senario is less likely, but far from impossible. (Rachel Lucas would no doubt consider this the daydream of a fevered, desperate liberal. She'd be wrong, but I'd be damn flattered she read my blog.) The senario is this:

Bush has one of his Jimmy James moments (Jimmy James, he was the boss on NewsRadio). The ones that I'd say resemble acid flashbacks, except we all know acid wasn't his drug. A good example: last week the President told a rally in Ohio "the Taliban is no longer in existence." One of those little grammatical errors anyone can make.

So Bush says something similar (perhaps he forgets which country the Great Wall of China is in) and Kerry calls him on it. Hard. Harder. Faster. Using protection—after all, he is a liberal. Kerry gains three to five points, moves Florida and Ohio, takes it.

What bugs me about these senarios is that, even in the most extreme senarios, there is only a minimal change in the vote. It seems like a big deal because this election is so close, but the overall pattern is still clear: the actions of a candidate no longer affect how many votes that candidate gets. Scott Adams once said that if the Republicans nominated a head of lettuce for president, it'd get 25% of the vote. I think it'd be more like 30%.

Either way, Rachel will sit down to watch the debates tonight, enjoy Bush's good moments, ignore his bad, and come away feeling that he won. In the Charleston, WV, Kerry Headquarters, everyone will sit down, enjoy Kerry's good moments, ignore his bad, and come away feeling that he won. I'll be watching with some of the College Democrats from WVSU, and the only actual debate will be, can we stand to watch Bush sober? Or should we have someone run out for beer.

Unfortunately, that's probably the only debate tonight that matters.

A Day Off, and Other Myths
Theoretically, I don't work Tuesdays and Thursdays. So, today I won't be going down to headquarters until about six, and I'll spend most of my day building a flyer for the campaign. Which leads me to two observations.

I somehow have to make designing a flyer for a presidential campaign (if anyone from the FEC asks, it's a flyer for the DNC) look like I'm working on my American Literature chapters. Which is pretty easy. Actually doing the classwork is hard. I have to read about "Thomas Paine's deep religious faith." Yuck. In his autobiography, Ben Franklin mentions that the first time his future wife saw him in Philadelphia, she thought him awkward and ridiculous. My textbook author thinks this "serves as a good example of how Franklin lived his life: whenever he saw a potential challenge, he rose up to meet it."

Great. Ben Franklin's an after school special, and Thomas Paine is the son of a preacher man. Observation 1: If you want to pass an American Literature course, under no circumstance go in having read any American literature.

Anyhoodles, yesterday I did a flyer for my boss. We're having a "Debate Party" at HQ, inviting the public to eat free food and watch the debates on a big screen. I made a flyer, using some of the ground rules my drama teacher made us use, when we did flyers for the school play. Keep it simple. Don't embellish. Get to the point: time, date and such in big letters.

Naturally, the flyer was good, and now my boss's boss has asked me to do a flyer for her. It's a "side-by-side comparison of the candidates," focusing on "the real issues." With all the complexity, embellishment and pointlessness of such documents. Observation 2: In politics, promotion is not a sign of virtue.

Anyway, I'm getting obtuse. Apologies. Here's a funny story, from a random thread in the web:
A buddy of mine in college was taking ROTC classes. When he graduated, he would become a lieutenant in the Army. I asked him one day what he'd learned in class that week. "We learned how to cross a minefield," he told me. I had no idea how one might go about this, so I asked him how you do it.

"You turn to your sergeant," he said, "and you say, 'Sergeant! Get these men across that minefield.'"

Wednesday, September 29, 2004
Oh, Martha
We just got the news that Martha Stewart is going to serve her sentence in a West Virginia prision. We're thinking of asking her to make campaign buttons for us.

Andrew Sullivan
I was at the Kitty Kelley book party last week--don't ask--and an unpleasant character sidled up to me, with clammy hands and Gollum eyes, and asked, "So I hear you've got the goods on...?" It was one Michael Rogers, the new Robespierre of the gay rights movement, moving in on his latest attempt to "out" some traitor or other to the gay cause. I demurred. The only goods I have are on myself, and I have become a little difficult to "out" over the years, mainly because every conceivable part of my private and public life has already been exposed and attacked by the very gay activists who now want to enlist my collusion against others. Sorry, Michael. No deal.
So writes Andrew Sullivan in The New Republic. Or at least their on-line edition. He's the most prolific gay wonk out there (especially if you count his blog) but I'm not sure if anything he writes actually gets printed on paper anymore.

His essay on the recent rash of outings of public officials is an exercise in doing the right thing for the wrong reasons. He considers Congressman Ed Schrock:
And on the face of it, the obvious hypocrisy of a few does seem to merit accountability. If Congressman Ed Schrock is seeking gay sex on phone lines in Virginia, it's probably hypocritical for him to be calling for stringent enforcement of the military's ban on openly gay servicemembers, or for banning marriage rights to his fellow homosexuals. But the key word there is: probably. There is an obvious disjunction between Schrock's public statements and his private alleged actions. But is it hypocrisy?
That's not the obvious question. The obvious question—to me, at least—is something like this: a "disjunction between [your] public statements and [your] private life" is the definition of hypocrisy. But this is America; doesn't he have the right to a little hypocrisy in his private life?

He does, of course. The right to privacy, while not one our Founders thought of, has become increasingly important in the information age. Certainly I was for the right of politicians to do what they like, consensually and behind closed doors, during the Clinton administration. So was Andrew Sullivan and about sixty percent of the American people, if polls are to be believed. I stand by that, and so does Sullivan. But then he goes deeper—gets too analytical, as Colorado Boy would say.
Anyone who knows the psychological torment of gay men in their fifties or sixties must surely understand that things are often a little more complicated than that. Gay men who have lived their lives in shame and deception may not have come to terms in any profound way with the inner conflicts that are propelling their outward actions. They may be in such acute denial that they are barely aware of their deceptions. They may have split their psyches in so many different ways that their super-ego is scarcely aware of what their id is up to. Or they may somehow believe they are not gay; or they are doing the minimum necessary to keep their lives in one dysfunctional piece; or they may be fully aware they are gay inside while cynically advancing their political self-interest at the expense of other gay people.
Does that make a difference? Whatever the psychological forces at work, Schrock still says one thing and does another. He's still a hypocrite. Frankly, I don't think Sullivan goes far enough in his psychoanalysis. He's as locked into the "axis of sex," the idea that everyone is either fundamentally gay or fundamentally straight, as most of us.

But that's a mistake. People are neither fundamentally good nor fundamentally bad; our nature is more complicated than that. Our sexuality is similarly complex. I certainly don't understand human desire, and anyone who thinks they do is suffering from, at the very least, a lack of empathy. But while our motives may explain our actions, they do not change them. No matter the reason, Schrock is still plainly hypocritical.

Sullivan thinks otherwise, and realizes "I am regarded as terminally naïve, an enabler of treachery." The second is completely untrue. The first a gross exaggeration. His naïveity is mild, if chronic. It's also quite common; everyone believes in gay people, even though we're only slightly more real than Santa. Only Gore Vidal is publicly assailing this misconceptions. (Vidal dislikes Sullivan.)

But no matter how flawed his base assumptions, Sullivan's conclusions are both right, and eloquent:
Malice can only beget malice ... outing Schrock's cruelty doesn't end the cycle; it perpetuates it. Is Ed Schrock now an advocate of gay rights? Is his successor in his Virginia district likely to be any better? All we know now is that a) some gay men are so screwed up that they happily persecute other gays and b) other gay men are happy to persecute them as well. Has this advanced the argument for equal marriage rights? Has it made the story of gay people more understandable and accessible to the straight people we need to persuade? Hardly.

Tuesday, September 28, 2004
Phallic, Indeed
Just reprinting a, um, fascinating post from Juan Cole. He's rightfully bitching about the Bushies plan to use the CIA to funnel money into specific candidates in the Iraqi elections. Time magazine broke the story.

Juan's thoughts:
I found the Time magazine diction about [House Minority Leader Nancy] Pelosi sexist. The article described her as having "come unglued" on hearing of the plan. "Coming unglued" is the wrong image here. She didn't go hysterical and fall apart. If you were going to be glib, you could have described her as "livid" or "going ballistic." But such journalistic buzzwords for alarm and anger are reserved for men (no doubt the phallic connotations of intercontinental ballistic missiles help gender the image). Pelosi did not become "unglued." Rather, she intervened forcefully and effectively. She appears to have mobilized a bipartisan "powerful women" network with Rice, whom she strong-armed (another simile not usually used of women). Of course, she also was in a position to mobilize the Democrats in Congress across gender boundaries.
I wonder if Quilly would call that a "academic fever swamp rant" or something similar? I wouldn't.

Meanwhile, in Reality
The Washington Post reports:
Attacks over the past two weeks have killed more than 250 Iraqis and 29 U.S. military personnel, according to figures released by Iraq's Health Ministry and the Pentagon. A sampling of daily reports produced during that period by Kroll Security International for the U.S. Agency for International Development shows that such attacks typically number about 70 each day. In contrast, 40 to 50 hostile incidents occurred daily during the weeks preceding the handover of political authority to an interim Iraqi government on June 28, according to military officials.
The L.A. Times quotes Bush:
At their joint news conference, Bush seized on Allawi's comments to reinforce his own campaign positions, including that the Iraq war was linked to the U.S.-declared war on terrorism, that progress was being made in containing the insurgency and that the present strategy was the correct one.

"Freedom is winning," Bush told reporters assembled in the Rose Garden.
John Kerry's plan for Iraq is not the best; it's not even great. But George W. Bush is simply not plugged into reality. Let's go take a look at some more "freedom winning":
On Wednesday, there were 28 separate hostile incidents in Baghdad, including five rocket-propelled grenade attacks, six roadside bombings and a suicide bombing in which a car exploded at a National Guard recruiting station, killing at least 11 people and wounding more than 50.

[T]he cities of Amarah in the southern province of Maysan and Samawah in Muthanna province, also in the south, had long been relatively free of violence but are now experiencing frequent attacks, the reports indicate.

There also has been an unusual spike in the number of attacks to the north of the capital. More attacks have been reported in the northern cities of Mosul, Samarra and Tikrit over the past two weeks than in Fallujah and Ramadi, two areas of frequent fighting in Anbar.

Military officials contend, however, that does not mean the restive areas west of Baghdad -- the area known as the Sunni Triangle -- are no longer insurgent strongholds. The likely explanation, the officials said, is that U.S. Marines stationed in Anbar have sharply reduced their patrolling, making them less vulnerable to roadside attacks. But that strategy, officials say, has allowed insurgent cells to expand in the province.

"There are fewer attacks here because we're out on the road less," an officer at the Marine headquarters near Fallujah said on condition of anonymity. "But you shouldn't conclude from that that things are any safer."

The security situation has grown so dire that many of the few remaining nongovernmental aid organizations left in Iraq are making plans to withdraw. The United Nations, which was supposed to help organize the national elections, has just 30 employees in the country, all of whom are quartered in the U.S.-controlled, fortified Green Zone. Foreign journalists, who used to roam the country, are now largely restricted by safety concerns to Baghdad hotels surrounded with concrete walls and barbed wire.

"When we leave home, we never know if we're going to return home alive or not," said Mohammed Kadhim, a taxi driver.

Monday, September 27, 2004
Two Decades, cont'd
Not long ago, I was getting to know one of the new field organizers. A fairly common question here is, "What do you do in real life?" And when I asked him that, he described an interesting life. Snatches:

"I graduated ten years ago with a teaching certificate ... waited tables in Scotland ... protected badgers in Wales ... real estate deals in Texas ...

"Thirty-six hours ago, I got in my car in San Antonio and drove straight here to take over Lewis County, which so far has no working phone or internet."

He meant the county office, not the county itself. Although with some of the counties in West Virginia, it's a bit hard to tell.

Lida—my boss—bought me lunch at an Indian place. Good curry, and a sweet flat bread of some sort to finish. Very nice. She told me a story about South America: she had been traveling with a guy from Argentina, and when she wanted to go off and travel by herself for a while, their relationship ended very dramatically. He cut off all contact, until just a few days ago.

It all smacks of a Nora Roberts novel. She left with a ring he'd given her. Small little dark thing, the kind people only wear for sentimental value. And a few days ago she had a dream about the ring. Then, when she woke up, it was on her night stand, where she doesn't usually keep it. And so she wore it.

Sure enough, an email from the Argentinean came that very day.

Lida told me how odd it is to IM someone in Spanish. She mentioned that the Argentinean thought she was "too analytical." Of course, that is exactly what Colorado Boy says about me. The Argentinean and Colorado Boy apparently share an ability to simply go with the flow. To live, as Socrates would call it, and unexamined life. We puzzled over this. How is it possible to go without thinking, without trying to understand things? I don't really understand why anyone would want to, either. It's a good idea to analyze things.

I could have simply enjoyed a free lunch and a philosophical discussion. But if I didn't think about it, I wouldn't have realized what a wonderful thing a philosophical discussion and a free lunch are on your twentieth birthday.

Two Decades
September 27th, 2004, and at 11:55 pm tonight, I'll have been bumbling around this planet of our for precisely two decades. It's not really an occasion for deep and meaningful insights, like a 80th or a 100th birthday, so I won't. Instead, how about a few shallow and meaningless notes from the past weekend?


A nuclear plant in Westfield, West Virginia. Went out there to get fitted for a tuxedo for a...something or other, next weekend. The town was having one of those late-summer festivals small towns have. Lots of kids, families, arts and crafts booths; literally hundreds of yard signs for the election. (Kerry, 15; Bush, 2) All of it in the shadow of three great cooling towers across the river.

I've been talking nuclear quite a bit this weekend, and occasionally—disturbingly—pronouncing it just like the president. I think that having an understanding of how truly horrendous nuclear weapons are helps avoid a paranoid view of nuclear power. The fact remains that as they generate power, nuclear plants are the cleanest source of power on the planet. Cleaner than wind, or at least the wind farms in Berkeley that occasionally catch migrating birds in their props. Certainly cleaner than the thirty year old coal plants littering the Midwest, pumping poison gas into our atmosphere all day, every day.

But of course that leaves the question of nuclear waste. Imagine taking all that poison coming out of a coal plant or an oil refinery, over ten years, and putting it in a dozen two inch wide, three foot long rods. The most deadly waste on the planet.

I think there are benefits to it. This is going to sound like a bad episode of Star Trek (or bad Honor Harrington book, for the barflies) but it's a serious proposal. Let's shoot the stuff into the sun. We can put together a bunch of those old Saturn V's we used for the Apollo missions. Get all that poison out of the atmosphere, instead of into it. Because either we're putting all this stuff into our ecosystem over thirty years, or all at once with a bombing at Yucca; the fact remains that we are putting the same amount of toxins into the planet's lungs.

We can transport the waste safely, with a little care and a lot of money. At worst, one or two of the rockets will explode. We should plan for it. Break the waste in the smallish loads. A high-atmosphere explosion will spread the radiation out far enough that it'll blend into the background buzz that we get naturally, from the sun and cell phones and Peter Frampton concerts. A low-atmosphere explosion would be very bad; unless we use the Marshall islands as a launching ground. We've already blown up the atoll's with hydrogen bombs, how much more damage are we even capable of? At least we'll be able too use the dead islands we've made for something.

Maybe that does seem too easy.

Downtown. Working for Kerry. It's a good way to spend your birthday. More later.

Friday, September 24, 2004
Signs of the Times©
The New York Times reports:
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The No. 2 official at the State Department said Friday that the elections planned for January in Iraq must be ``open to all citizens,'' contradicting Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld who suggested the day before that voting might not be possible in the more-violent areas.
Number two at Foggy Bottom is Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage. There's been a long history of conflict between Secretary of State Colin Powell and Rumsfeld. Powell was against Iraq, pre-9/11. Rumsfeld, no so much. Powell liked the ICC, Rumsfeld didn't. Powell was for the Kyoto Accords, Rumsfeld was not.

And the President has almost always come down on Rumsefeld's side.

So some might see this as fitting the pattern. And reasonably anticipate that President Bush will be fine with Iraqi elections that don't involve, y'know, Iraqis voting.

But there's something new here. Richard Armitage, number two, is a Rumsfeld man. His presence in State has been seen as a sign of Rumsfeld's preeminence and Powell's token status in the administration. More accurately, Armitage is a Cheney man. The Public I has compiled a list of Armitage's business connections. Oh, and he was an Iran-Contra figure, too.

Now Rumsfeld is even farther right than Armitage. And that's not good.

The Trail©

Overheard on the phone earlier today:

"Well, we only got that set up in August. We're Democrats—we don't have any money. I mean, we don't have George Soros giving millions of dollars. Our contributors are limited to two thousand dollars. Most Democrats don't have two thousand dollars."

I handed out the last of our bumper stickers today. Told my boss we needed more. Reply: "There's a stack in the back. That's rare—we need some more of something and we actually have more."

Actually, we've got a lot of money. There are six thousand people on staff. Just this morning has been supremely hectic. I have run hundreds of messages just today; everything from the National Headquarters getting an updated payroll list to Emily's List sending volunteers in from D.C. to a gentlemen in the middle of a tiny town who wanted us to call up John Kerry and have him come out there and reassure all his neighbors that John Kerry is not going to take their guns.

So, it's not a lack of funds. We simply have a lot of voters. We are pretty much guaranteed a quarter of a million votes in this election, and that's just in West Virginia, which, despite being a battleground, is relatively small. We need a little under three hundred thousand to win.

Sean Madden wandered in this morning, too. He's been doing data entry all day while I answer phones. At lunch, we decided that Michael Moore is Kevin Smith's alter ego, or possibly his evil twin. Consider: Michael Moore is Kevin Smith, but more so. More talent. More of an ass. More disheveled facial hair. Weighs more. His name is Moore. Scary, isn't it?

So I've been telling my life story to a woman named Ghee. Here she is:

She's just returned from her 40th wedding anniversary on the southwest plateau. Hiked Moab, Zion, Flaming Gorge. Between Ghee and a boy on center from Colorado, I'm talking about Utah so much I'm beginning to remember why I was so desperate to leave.

Ghee's eloquent.

"It's not who we are November 2nd. It's who we are November 3rd. It's that as soon as the election is over, we're all friends again, all Americans.

"Until the next election, anyway."

Thursday, September 23, 2004

The Trail©

Went out to WVSU's campus today for a Democracy Day thingy. Lots of booths—ACT, ACLU, NAACP, HRC and assorted acronyms; both campaigns; various frats and sororities. Virtually every single booth except the Bush-Cheney booth had Kerry stickers, signs and gear. So even though about ninety percent of the people there with stickers had Kerry stickers, the Bush booth still had a line longer than ours all day long. I guess you can have too many friends.

A charming young gentleman from the Bush campaign gave a quick speech late in the day. He talked about coal, vaguely asserting that Bush was good for coal miners. I found out later that his family is in the oil business.

My boss, Lida, gave the Kerry speech, although mostly she whirled from one end of the campus to another, signing up volunteers. Lida is cool, and so is her mom. Remember high school, and there was one kid who had a really cool mom? That's Lida.

Happy birthday, Lida's mom.

I had brought Sean Madden along from Job Corps because he has little else to do. He's graduating in a week (on my birthday) and then getting a really good job with Intel. They're giving him a two month long course in how to keep proprietary information secret, which he's promised to ignore. Like Lida, he made me look bad; he registered a fair number of people. I didn't.

Early on, I walked into the library with a clipboard full of volunteer sign-up sheets. A stern lady with library glasses demanded, "You aren't doing that political stuff in here, are you?"

"Uh, no."

"What are you doing?"

"Ah—ah, research."

"About?"

"Stem cells?"

And so I spent forty-five minutes pretending to do research on stem cells. Later, I got caught up in extended conversations with a middle aged woman working on her poly-sci degree, a whino who wanted to know more about Nader and a former local TV anchor running for congress. "Stay Classy: Vote Ron Burgundy."

I got yelled at by members of AþA when I tried to put a giant Kerry-Edwards sign on what their president called "holy ground." "A monument to our founders." I suppose the founders of the West Virginia State University chapter of the AþA fraternity are as worth of a memorial as anyone else.

Wednesday, September 22, 2004

The Trail©

Stream of consciousness figments from an intern at the Charleston Kerry-Edwards HQ...

One of the volunteers phone banking tonight has a different main project. He and a friend have adopted what they're calling an "orphan precinct." He described it to me:

"It's got a lot of transients, a lot of rentals; people move in and out. The kind of place Republicans don't go."

Awesome. I've asked him to keep me posted. Movements are built on this kind of effort. A good example of movement building is The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America by John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge. The authors are American correspondents for The Economist. They describe the rise of the bedrock foundation of grassroots organizations and think tank-oriented Beltway establishment that have turned conservativism from a fringe idea to the framing ideals of American politics. A blurb: "...this book provides a serious and thoughtful analysis of how we got where we are in our politics today." So says Senator John McCain, and he's not exaggerating.

In other news, a couple of kids from the University of Charleston showed up. They're part of a service learning class, and the class all must choose: Bush, Kerry or Voter Registration. We offer them free coffee. The Bush campaign offers them $50 a day to, ah, volunteer.

True Courage

It's my first day. I am an intern at the Kerry-Edwards Victory '04 campaign headquarters in Charleston, West Virginia, and am now officially slacking off and doing my blog instead of data entry, for the good of John Kerry and America. Whoot.

While this is my first day full time, I've been doing occasional afternoon and evening work for a while now. A few days ago, a three high school age girls walked into headquarters. They've obviously just finished some sort of game&mdashlacrosse or whatever's cool this year—and are all giggly in that I'm smart, but it's no big deal way. A redhead in jeans had a polka dotted ribbon in her hair. Two brunettes (one curly, one wavy) were still in post-game sweats and both clearly tagging along with the redhead.

Sure enough, it was the redhead who eagerly greeted John, one of our field organizers. She wanted to get some Kerry gear (gear is what we call buttons and bumper stickers). She said no to the yard sign, because her parents would go nuts.

"Your parents are Republicans?"

"Exactly."

"So you wouldn't be disowned or anything if they knew you were here?"

"Probably." A pause. "But I'll risk it."

Ah, true American courage. It was like a really good episode of Buffy, only real.

Friday, September 17, 2004

From the Bar©

Two recent posts I thought should be repeated here. The original posts and posters I'm responding to can be found at Baen's Bar

Mike Spehar said:
No matter how meritorious, [Kerry's Vietnam record] is a rather slender reed upon which to build a Presidential campaign. Or at least that seemed to be the Democratic consensus between 1992 and 2000.
I agree. As others are explaining, using military service in a campaign has a long tradition in American presidential politics. But no, it's not enough to build an entire campaign upon. Kerry needs to be focusing on the many policy failures—foreign and domestic—of the Administration and his regrettably few solutions to them. Hopefully that's what his eighty-million dollar war-chest (intelligently unused throughout August) will go towards.

In this election, both sides are focusing too much on the military records of the candidate. I have been ignoring the 'Nam era posting on the bar for a while, because I long ago determined three things. 1) John Kerry did more to serve his country in Vietnam than George W. Bush—though he's exaggerating his record some, just like every veteran candidate since Eisenhower. 2) This is a point in Kerry's favor, but not a big one, and not really worth arguing about. 3) This is a point in Kerry's favor, but not a big one, and not really worth arguing about.

Now, I realize that, technically, that was only two things. But I thought the second was such a big, important point, so ignored by so many otherwise reasonable people, that it was worth repeating.

Daniel Ball talked about something more current:
Iraq was playing the Chess game, and eliminating someone the RIFs were treating as a major piece. It was also about shifting the front line back to the Middle East, _instead_ of the Continental U.S. If a potential terrorist is getting shot or blowing himself up in Baghdad or Fallujah, he isn't doing it in downtown Poughkeepsie, Butte Montana, Dallas Texas, or Los Angeles-and the Americans he might be going after can and will shoot back, unlike the residents of Chicago, Baltimore, or Boston. Virtually ANY nation in the Middle East would have sufficed, but we had a pretext to use Iraq, and a sentiment within the Uniformed Services that the job was started and left unfinished (also a popular sentiment to that effect in much of what folk like you tend to think of as "Flyover country", or "Hillbillyland").
Of course, it's possible that rather subtle, nuanced reasoning really was getting listened to at Bush's cabinet meetings. I'd be a bit surprised, but let's give the Administration the benefit of the doubt and see how well the logic holds up.

Creating a battleground between Americans and Islamofascists in the Middle East does not make American soil safer. First, Iraq does not simply sponge up the world's supply of terrorists and keep them safely contained. It actually functions to increase the anti-American radicals across the middle east. Second, 9/11-style attacks do not require a huge amount of resources or organization, only some extremely dedicated fanatics with the intelligence to subvert our security net. Sending more troops to Iraq does not increase the number of troopers patrolling the Oregon coastline. As he said, any number of countries in the middle would serve to
accomplish...nothing much.

But I'm interested in the fact that he claims "had a pretext to [invade] Iraq." I think we can agree on that. Even Secretary Powell has now admitted that WMDs are unlikely to ever be found in Iraq. The only thing we knew Saddam ever had was chemical weapons, which kill fewer people, pound for pound, than conventional weapons.

I also wonder where people get the impression people in the flyovers considered Iraq an "unfinished job." I grew up in Utah and live in West Virginia now, and my impression is that people here genuinely believed Iraq had the bomb. That is why the editorial pages of papers like the Charleston (WV) Gazette or the Salt Lake Tribune feel they were hoodwinked by the administration and say that, knowing what they do now, they would not have supported the war.

Thursday, September 16, 2004

1000 Words©


Just when you think there are no creative republicans, Columbia Journalism Review's Campaign Desk brings us a Bush supporter dressed as a giant waffle. Oh, wait——he's just ripping off Doonesbury. Never mind, then.

Wednesday, September 15, 2004

1000 Words©

I have to go off hill to the Kenawha County libraries to upload pictures to my blog now, so pics will becoming in batches and not nessisarily attached to the post they may or may not relate to.


With Elizabeth Edwards in Charleston, September 10th.


With Senator Jay Rockefeller at West Virginia State, September 12th.

A Well-Managed Freedom

Reported in The Washington Post:
MOSCOW, Sept. 13 -- President Vladimir Putin announced plans Monday for a "radically restructured" political system that would bolster his power by ending the popular election of governors and independent lawmakers, moves he portrayed as a response to this month's deadly seizure of a Russian school.

Under his plan, Putin would appoint all governors to create a "single chain of command" and allow Russians to vote only for political parties rather than specific candidates in parliamentary elections. ... The newest moves take a vision he calls "managed democracy" to a new level.
Next to Tony Blair, Vladimir Putin is President Bush's biggest ally in the War on Terror.

To make the world safe.

For managed democracy.

The US Justice Department is also making the world safe for managed democracy. The Memory Hole has unearthed a disturbing case of black-marker overdosing at the DOJ. The justice department is allowed to redact (cover up with black marker) court rulings in ACLU cases, among others. DOJ recently blacked out the following words from United States v. US District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan 407 US 297, 314 (1972). It's a bit difficult figure out what part of a 1972 Supreme Court decision could need to be classified, but let's give Aschroft the benefit of the doubt here.

No, let's not. Here's what the DOJ blacked out:
The danger to political dissent is acute where the Government attempts to act under so vague a concept as the power to protect "domestic security." Given the difficulty of defining the domestic security interest, the danger of abuse in acting to protect that interest becomes apparent.
Don't mind the Department of Justice. They're just managing our democracy.

Monday, September 13, 2004
Chemo for Capitalism
I'm grading papers for the medical assistant class today. A student defined "chemotherapy" as "the use of chemical agents in the treatment of a business."

I couldn't bring myself to take off any points.

Sunday, September 12, 2004
Who's Sexiest: Elizabeth Edwards or Theresa Heinz Kerry?
Well, it's an interesting question, don't you think? We all saw Theresa in action at the Democratic National Convention last month. She's got that great accent and she speaks like five languages. The people who think her only appeal is her money aren't blind—they're deaf.

But I want to talk about Elizabeth Edwards. I didn't see her speech at the convention. No one seemed to be talking about her. I guess I just assumed she would be like Lynne Cheney if Lynne Cheney hadn't written any lesbian erotica.

Turns out, I was wrong. Elizabeth Edwards was at a town meeting in Charleston on Friday, and I got to stare at the back of her head for fifty minutes so the TV cameras could see several young people wearing "College Democrats" buttons. The fact that I am neither in college nor a democrat seemed to bother no one in said organization. What sort of person would I be if I refused the request of a casual acquaintance's boyfriend's ex? I didn't even steal his button at that particular event. I was very polite and waited until another event (on which I will blog soon) to steal the button.

Mrs. Edwards looks just like you always imagined Mrs. Santa Clause would look: flushed and Rubenesque in the best sense of the word. She has Oprah's figure and disarming smile. She also has a voice that modulates in patterns that make me absolutely certain she did very well in both LD and Policy debates. I thought of John Edwards being a lawyer, and of a lawyer I know named Elizabeth. Yes, Mrs. Edwards admitted a few minutes later, she is a lawyer. Or, as she put it, "in recovery."

"Hi, my name is Elizabeth and I'm a lawyer."

Let's see Lynne Cheney match that. The Charleston Gazette:
On the Patriot Act, Edwards said some provisions "went too far" and should be repealed, but other actions of the Bush administration that have been blamed on the Patriot Act have simply been Attorney General John Ashcroft interpreting the Act the way he sees fit.
Ah, legal reasoning. I remembered the offices of Ballard, Sparh, Andrews & Ingersoll in Salt Lake. Saturday mock trial practices in the good conference room. Free snacks. And the law. I need to find some pre-law undergrads at WVSU to hang out with.

Elizabeth Edwards is no doubt someone who, when asked about the recent Pledge Supreme Court case, would insist on calling it Elk Grove School District v. Newdow and could point out the sound procedural grounds for it's dismissal. I suspect she might even suggest that because the court's most influential swing justice, O'Connor, joined Rehnquist and Thomas in a concurring opinion that "under God" is constitutional, it would be a bad idea for the ACLU to seek out a clean case on the issue immediately. I can't be sure what she thinks, of course, but I find the thought of such a conversation both plausible and rather... stimulating.

Or, to put it another way, until I get to stare at the back of Theresa Heinz Kerry's head for over an hour, she is not as sexy as Elizabeth Edwards.

Friday, September 10, 2004
Still Friday
Ten-thirty now. And I could be getting a backrub right now. Still not bitter.

Friday Night
It's nine o'clock on a Friday night. I could be getting some, but I'm not.

I'm sitting in Kerry-Edwards '04 HQ in Charleston, doing paperwork. I am such a good citizen. And not in the least bitter about it.

How to Piss Off the Secret Service

John Kerry came up to West Virginia on Labor Day to give a speech. I've gone into the Kerry-Edwards 04 (KE04) headquarters and charmed a couple of the staff. So I got to volunteer for the speech.

I got a ride with a couple of children of the sixties who have gracefully made the transition to liberal suburban soccer moms. So we were driving an SUV, but at least there were a half-dozen of us carpooling in it. It was a painfully early hour in the day. I had to get up at four-thirty, something that did not please my roomates one little bit. Worst of all, no coffee.

We got to the site at six-fifteen. It was a Labor Day festival held every year by the local mine workers union. The sheriff's deputies doing security had never had a presidential candidate speak, so they were being a bit overzealous. They kept us there for twenty minutes, running us around to see if we could park or if we had clearance, calling KE04 HQ and generally being dumb hickville sheriffs. Meanwhile, every five minutes they'd let a large truck through without searching it, because these were vendors that came every year.

Yuck. Well, when we finally got in and met the volunteer coordinators, I got assigned to the press advance team. This is the important group, the people making sure that everything is set up for the traveling reporters that are accompanying the candidate to his speeches. What the press needs is the most important consideration in any campaign stop, and I soon discovered that every single other aspect of the campaign stop—the audience, the speakers, even the security arrangements—are of less importance than making sure the press has a good time.

We designed a special “chute” of fences around the event that would allow the reporters to travel from the buses to the main riser and cut risers (the two platforms the press watch the speech from) and then to the press tent where they eat expensive catering and file their stories. We put up dozens of signs to keep the reporters where they were supposed to be and strategically placed volunteers where we could make sure the press was kept in the right place. The general idea I got was that the reporters were to be treated in much the same way you would treat a drunken Gorbachev or very expensive cattle: the utmost respect must be given, but under no circumstances can they be allowed to exercise their own judgment.

The preparations took most of the morning. I was assigned to be a fax runner. A nearby daycare had been taken over as a staff holding room, and fax machine was to be monitored at all times for incoming press releases, which I would then make quite a few copies of and distribute to the press tent. Two other volunteers were on fax duty, and for them the day went something like this. First they tried to get the fax machine working. It was broken. They found another fax and plugged it in, to try and get it working. A friend in Charleston faxed them a test sheet and they informed the advance staff that the machine was working. KE04 staff in D.C. tried to fax us a press release. The fax wasn’t working. They found a third fax and plugged it in. The friend in Charleston faxed them another test sheet. They told the advance staff the fax was working. D.C. tried again. No luck. Finally, someone who worked at the daycare showed up and told them that the phone lines did have long distance service. So they had to find somewhere else. They got a working fax machine in a county library across the street. They got someone in Philly to send a test page and, lo and behold, a working fax machine. When they went to inform the advance staff, the event was over and everyone was cleaning up.

Fortunately, I extricated myself from that debacle very early on and attached myself to a member of the advance staff who greatly needed an assistant. So I spent most of my day running messages back and forth between people of importance. This is how I pissed off the secret service. There were several checkpoint where anyone without a clearance pin had to empty their pockets and get frisked and gone over with one of those wands. Because I was running messages between areas on either side of one checkpoint, I had to get searched dozens of times. One of the agents on Kerry’s detail knows me by name now. Well, he knows my by the nickname ‘Utah,’ anyway.

Unfortunately, I pissed off far more secret service agents then I got to like me. At one point, we had to move something called Soapbox™, a piece of wireless internet technology used by reporters to file their stories. There were some last minute changes in the plan (in fact, the entire day was pretty much nothing but last minute changes in the plan, assuming we had one in the first place) and I ended up driving a campaign car backwards through the motorcade, where I wasn’t cleared to be in the first place. The suits got tetchy.

“Why were you driving backwards?” one asked me. My response wasn’t all it could have been.

“Did I drive alright? I haven’t driven a car since January.”

At one point, I found out that part of the daycare center was going to be a staging area for the SWAT team. I decided to be considerate and left the following note:

“The SWAT team is using the next room. Please do not be alarmed when several heavily armed men barge through. This is normal, apparently.”

There was a last minute change in plans and Kerry ended up using the daycare center as a hole. A place to make phone calls, do a little work before moving on to the next stop. I like to think he read my note.

That, unfortunately, would be as close as I got to the candidate I was working for. I was a hundred feet away in the audience while he was up on the platform, but only at a couple of points when I was running from the press tent to the staff hold and back. From a hundred feet away, the only impression you can get is that he’s tall. (Fortunately, that may be enough. We all know the old chestnut about the taller candidate.)

While Kerry was giving his speech, I was in a nearby building watching the speech he was giving at the same time I was making photocopies of the speech he was giving to give to the reporters he was giving it to.

That’s probably a good metaphor for something.


Here I am watching Kerry on TV, when he was just outside the door...

Some of my old pictures are down. I'll try and get them back up, though it's not my number one priority.

Friday, September 03, 2004
Sullivan
Andrew Sullivan, once described by one of the less-civil leftists I hate agreeing with as "President Bush's chief gay apologist" has said that he will not vote for Bush:
I will add one thing more. And that is the personal sadness I feel that this president who praises freedom wishes to take it away from a whole group of Americans who might otherwise support many parts of his agenda. To see the second family tableau with one family member missing because of her sexual orientation pains me to the core. And the president made it clear that discriminating against gay people, keeping them from full civic dignity and equality, is now a core value for him and his party. The opposite is a core value for me. Some things you can trade away. Some things you can compromise on. Some things you can give any politician a pass on. But there are other values - of basic human dignity and equality - that cannot be sacrificed without losing your integrity itself. That's why, despite my deep admiration for some of what this president has done to defeat terror, and my affection for him as a human being, I cannot support his candidacy. Not only would I be abandoning the small government conservatism I hold dear, and the hope of freedom at home as well as abroad, I would be betraying the people I love. And that I won't do.
Sullivan also has an interesting comparison between the DNC and RNC keynote speakers:
Zell Miller's address will, I think, go down as a critical moment in this campaign, and maybe in the history of the Republican party. I kept thinking of the contrast with the Democrats' keynote speaker, Barack Obama, a post-racial, smiling, expansive young American, speaking about national unity and uplift. Then you see Zell Miller, his face rigid with anger, his eyes blazing with years of frustration as his Dixiecrat vision became slowly eclipsed among the Democrats ... I'm not easy to offend, but this speech was gob-smackingly vile...

Appealing to the crudest form of patriotism and the easiest smears is wrong when it is performed by the lying Michael Moore and it is wrong when it is spat out by Zell Miller. Last night was therefore a revealing night for me. I watched a Democrat at a GOP Convention convince me that I could never be a Republican. If they wheel out lying, angry old men like this as their keynote, I'll take Obama. Any day.

New York, New York

TNR's Ryan Lizza was at an interesting party last night:
The best moment of the night came when Rudy Giuliani and McCain took the stage and led the crowd in "New York, New York."
There's some political analysis in Lizza's post (McCain and Giuliani are likely to compete for the GOP nomination in 2008) but all that really takes away from the mental image. Both men have appeared on Saturday Night Live. Giuliani is funnier, but McCain has more stamina.

In any case, I've just finished up The Control Room: How Television Calls the Shots in Presidential Elections by Martin Plissner. Unsurprisingly, Plissner's thesis is that TV has dramatically transformed presidential campaigns. This hasn't been as bad for politics as we all like to think. Plissner was Executive Political Director at CBS until recently and worked for that network since 1963; at times he shows a pretty obvious bias in against the other networks. For the most part, though, it's an absolutely fascinating book—if at one point ominous for Kerry; we learn of Donilon's Law, which states that "A party's chance of winning the presidency varies inversely with the length of time it takes its nominee to clinch the nomination."

He debunks the myth that Kennedy's trashing of Nixon in the 1960 presidential debates was a prime reason for JFK's victory. (I was surprised to learn this.) Of course, we tend to forget that Kennedy won by less than one percent of the vote. The transcripts of Dan Rather getting roughed up at the '68 Chicago Convention. But mostly the book is about minute details. When were the first exit polls conducted? When did the networks first start announcing who had won the nomination before the convention? Who was responsible for the absence of televised presidential debates from 1964 to 1976? To answer these questions would take, well, a book.